http://www.aboluowang.com/news/2012/0108/%E6%BE%B3%E5%AA%92%EF%BC%9A%E5%A4%AA%E5%AD%90%E5%85%9A%E8%81%9A%E4%BC%9A%E5%90%90%E9%9C%B2%E5%BF%83%E9%87%8C%E8%AF%9D-142233.html
阿波罗新闻网2012-01-08讯
澳媒：太子党聚会 吐露心里话
据悉尼先驱晨报去年10月17日报道，当马晓力和习近平的姐姐一起来到群贤厅的时候，她没打算吐露内心的想法。毕竟，中共不允许心怀不 满的人大规模聚会，挑战党的红线。
但当她听到其他前国家领导人的孩子开始谈论他们看到的党的道德败坏，对公民社会的打击以及破坏性的文革政治的复兴，她也开始交谈，而且 一发不可收。
10月6日，在中国国际贸易中心的一间会议室里，中国最有权势的家庭举办了前所未有的非官方聚会。马晓力对众人说："共产党就像是一个 得了癌症的外科医生，自己已经不能切除肿瘤，它需要其他人的帮助，但是如果得不到帮助，它活不了多久。"
马晓力讲话可以不用太谨慎，因为她父亲有革命领导人的威望，而且她的家庭已经和在会议室的其他精英家庭关系紧密，特别是与可能成为下任 国家主席的习近平的家人。这次聚会凸显了在明年习近平替代胡锦涛之前，"太子党"是如何利用社交聚会来施加对人事和意识形态的影响的。
太子党在意识形态和利益的角逐中在选择站哪边，但他们是团结一致的，看起来，他们认为党已经迷失了方向。
叶剑英的女儿叶向真说："今天的中国，我们面临着巨大的挑战，从道德水平的急速下滑，到有毒的或基因改造的食品，到猖獗的官员腐败。" 叶的家庭一直是中国政治上和商业上最有权势的家庭之一。
参加聚会的有故领导人的孩子，如华国锋，叶剑英，毛泽东的卫士长，汪东兴，李先念。参加聚会的也有曾任中国情报机构的头子，海军，副总 理，部长和将军的孩子们。
主办聚会的是叶剑英的侄子叶选基，一名有权势的太子党，他强调了华国锋默默无闻的成就。帮助他主办的是胡耀邦的长子胡德平。
胡德平强调了当代中国政治的荒谬，包括短语"公民社会"现在已经被主流媒体禁止使用。
陆定一的儿子陆德告诉参加聚会的人：党和政府官员花了所有政府收入的1/3用于购买自己的豪华汽车，旅游，医疗保健，宴会和其他津贴。 他说："然而我们还叫它共产党和社会主义。"
马晓力的父亲曾任党校校长，也当过陕西省的头，她表示陆德的评论让她打开了话匣子。"在80年代的时候，当党面对批评的时候，我们还为 它辩护，解释它的做法。90年代的时候，我们同情批评者，但到了现在，我们几乎想要加入批评者。"
她用台湾的蒋经国举例，她说他把台湾从独裁转型为民主。
马晓力是和习近平的姐姐一起来的。她的父亲，马文瑞，与习近平的父亲习仲勋自从1940年代就是亲密盟友。她的父亲是华国锋和胡耀邦时 期党校负责人，她后来和胡耀邦的儿子胡德平一起在统战部工作。
胡耀邦的家人，反过来，在文革后帮助了习近平的家人，而叶剑英则帮忙任命习仲勋为广东省书记，很可能也帮助了他的儿子习近平稳固了在军 方的地位。
习近平的姐姐和叶向真一起上的学。显然，习近平，欠了叶剑英和胡耀邦两家很大的人情。
（译文有删节，点击看原文）
http://www.smh.com.au/world/chinas-princelings-break-their-silence-20111016-1lrkh.html
China's princelings break their silence
John Garnaut
October 17, 2011
Elite family ... Chinese Vice-President Xi Jinping, anointed as the next president.
Elite family ... Chinese Vice-President Xi Jinping, anointed as the next president. Photo: Reuters
WHEN Ma Xiaoli arrived this month at the Hall of Many Sages with the sister of China's likely next president, she had no intention of speaking what was on her mind. After all, the Chinese Communist Party usually does not permit disgruntled citizens to gather in large numbers and challenge the party line.
But as she heard other children of former leaders push back at what they saw as the party's moral decay, its attack on civil society and its revival of destructive Cultural Revolution politics, she found that when she started talking she could not stop.
''The Communist Party is like a surgeon who has cancer,'' Ms Ma told this almost unprecedented unofficial gathering of powerful families that took place in a conference room at the China World Trade Centre on October 6. ''It can't remove the tumour by itself, it needs help from others, but without help it can't survive for long.''
Advertisement: Story continues below
Ms Ma was able to dispense with discretion because of her father's prestige as a leading revolutionary and because her family has long been intertwined with other elite families represented in that room, especially that of the anointed next president, Xi Jinping. The gathering was the starkest demonstration to date of how ''princelings'' are networking and rallying to influence personnel and ideology ahead of Mr Xi replacing Hu Jintao at the helm of the Communist Party at it's five-yearly congress a year from now.
Princelings are taking sides in the battleground of ideologies and interests but they are united, it seems, by a conviction that their party has lost its way.
''In today's China we are facing tremendous challenges that range from the rapid decline of moral standards, to poisonous and genetically modified food, to rampant official corruption,'' Ye Xiangzhen, daughter of Marshal Ye Jianying, who had emerged from the Cultural Revolution as the most important figure in the People's Liberation Army, said. The Ye family remains one of China's most powerful in both politics and business.
The event was ostensibly a private tribute to the leaders who had closed the door on the Cultural Revolution exactly 35 years before by arresting the widow of Chairman Mao Zedong and three other radical politburo members who were later labelled ''the gang of four''.
All the major figures of that momentous historical disjunction were represented by their children including the then party chief Hua Guofeng, Marshal Ye, Mao's chief bodyguard, Wang Dongxing, and Li Xiannian, who was later promoted to president. Also present that evening were children of the then head of China's intelligence network, the Navy and assorted vice-premiers, ministers and generals.
Marshal Ye's nephew, a powerful princeling in his own right called Ye Xuanji, hosted the event and highlighted the unsung achievements of Mao's successor, Hua Guofeng. Assisting him was Hu Deping, the eldest son of Hu Yaobang, who was the famously open-minded Communist Party boss who mentored a team of promising cadres in the 1980s, including the current president.
Hu Deping highlighted absurdities of contemporary Chinese politics including the fact that the phrase ''civil society'' has now been banned from mainstream media discourse.
''Their motive was that there are more and more people claiming they can use methods from the Cultural Revolution to solve the problems of contemporary China,'' Wu Si, editor of the party history magazine Yanhuang Chunqiu, said.
''They felt they need another force to fight back and balance the voices,'' Mr Wu, who was at the gathering, said. ''But it went further than that: there were very strong voices calling for democracy and rule of law and bringing the party under supervision.''
Lu De, whose father Lu Dingyi had headed the propaganda department, told the gathering that party and government officials spend a third of all government revenue on their own luxury cars, travel, healthcare, banquets and other perks.
''And yet we still call it the Communist Party and socialism,'' he said.
Ma Xiaoli, whose father headed the party school and was the boss of Shaanxi province, said Mr Lu's comments had prompted her to break her silence. ''In the '80s when the party faced criticism we defended it and explained its actions,'' she said.
''In the '90s we sympathised with the critics but today we almost want to join them.''
She went as far as to hold up the example of Taiwan's Chiang Ching-kuo, who she said had transformed dictatorship into a prosperous democracy.
Ms Ma had arrived at the conference together with Mr Xi's elder sister, Xi Qianping. Her father, Ma Wenrui, had been a close ally of Xi Jinping's father, Xi Zhongxun, since the 1940s.
Her father owed his job as head of the party school to Hua Guofeng and Hu Yaobang and she later worked with Mr Hu's son, Hu Deping, at the united front department.
Hu Yaobang's family, in turn, had helped shelter the Xi family after the Cultural Revolution, while Marshal Ye engineered Xi Zhongxun's appointment as party boss of Guangdong province and probably helped secure a career-building military post for his son Xi Jinping.
Rounding the circle, Ms Xi went to school with Marshal Ye's daughter Ye Xiangzhen. Clearly, Xi Jinping, currently vice-president, owes a great deal to the families of both Marshal Ye and Hu Yaobang, who are now taking a stand.
没有评论:
发表评论